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(Photo: Connor Sovak/Innocence Project)
A Boston case shows the lack of police accountability in the surveillance of Black communities online.
02.27.25 By Alyxaundria Sanford
The criminalization of Black spaces in America is not new. From the constant monitoring of enslaved Black people to the surveillance of the Black Lives Matter movement, starting with the protests in Ferguson, Missouri, law enforcement agencies have long monitored Black people in activist and social spaces under the guise of maintaining order. But history has shown that these infiltrations often do more than just monitor — they amount to racial profiling and can lead to wrongful arrests and convictions.
This troubling issue was particularly evident in Commonwealth v. Dilworth, a Massachusetts case in which police and other system actors attempted to avoid transparency and accountability for suspected racial profiling.
In the fall of 2017, Richard Dilworth Jr. unwittingly accepted a friend request from an undercover Boston police officer on Snapchat. Through this connection, the officer — who was assigned to the Youth Violence Strike Force (otherwise known as the YVSF gang unit) — accessed private posts allegedly showing Mr. Dilworth with firearms. As a result of this surveillance, he was arrested in January 2018 on gun charges. After his release, police claimed he again posted a video of himself holding what appeared to be a firearm, which resulted in a second arrest in May 2018 on similar charges.
In trial court, Mr. Dilworth filed multiple motions, seeking information regarding the Boston Police Department’s use of social media monitoring. He argued that his arrests were not coincidental but part of a broader pattern of racially biased surveillance that targeted Black people. In support of his motions, Mr. Dilworth submitted an affidavit from his attorney, whose research revealed at least 20 similar cases in which police targeted people via Snapchat. Of those cases, 85 percent involved Black people, 15 percent involved Hispanic people, and none involved white people. Prosecutors, however, resisted providing information about their surveillance, citing concerns that doing so would compromise both ongoing investigations and confidential informants — despite the fact that officers could simply make decoy accounts at any time. In fact, the prosecution went so far as to file a notice stating their refusal to comply with the trial judge’s order to disclose information, prompting the trial judge to dismiss Mr. Dilworth’s charges.
Prosecutors then appealed to the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court (SJC), arguing that, in addition to their confidentiality concerns, state case law requiring police to disclose information potentially revealing racially biased investigative tactics did not apply to online investigations. The Innocence Project, in partnership with the Massachusetts American Civil Liberties Union and the Harvard Law Cyberlaw Clinic, also co-filed an amicus brief with the court, emphasizing the racial disparities in social media surveillance and advocating for standards governing police use of surveillance tactics.
(Photo: Connor Sovak/Innocence Project)
“We were arguing that online surveillance can be especially harmful to Black and brown communities, and in some ways, can actually be more invasive and get police access to more sensitive information than in-person stops. They’re getting a lot of information about who people are associating with, who their friends are,” said Mitha Nandagopalan, an Innocence Project attorney, who helped file the brief. “Part of our concern was making sure that there was some avenue in the courts for people who are targeted to actually access information about what police are doing and why and how.”
Mx. Nandagopalan emphasized that biased suspect development is often the foundation of wrongful convictions, and shifting these surveillance practices to the digital realm should not put them beyond scrutiny.
Last September, the Massachusetts SJC upheld the trial judge’s decision to dismiss Mr. Dilworth’s charges, ruling that by withholding the information Mr. Dilworth requested, prosecutors had prevented him from being able to prove, or even investigate, whether he was unfairly targeted due to racial bias. The court also found that the prosecution had failed to justify withholding the information to protect ongoing investigations.
Law enforcement’s recent history of secretly infiltrating Black spaces dates back to the mid-20th century, when the FBI’s Counterintelligence Program (COINTELPRO), led by J. Edgar Hoover, sought to suppress Black liberation movements, which it saw as threats to national security and public safety.
Among the program’s primary targets were the Black Panther Party, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, and even Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.
In the years since, police and federal agencies have deployed undercover officers, social media monitoring, and geofencing technology to similarly intimidate or criminalize Black community members and activists, particularly after protests following the police killing of Michael Brown, the murder of George Floyd, and countless others.
In 2023, the Minneapolis NAACP sued the city of Minneapolis accusing police officers of using undercover social media accounts to monitor Black community leaders without cause. The organization cited a 2017 incident in which a police officer, using a fake identity and posing as a community member, accepted a Facebook invitation to a birthday celebration and mayoral campaign event for civil rights attorney and activist Nekima Levy Armstrong, a police accountability advocate. Several uniformed officers later showed up at the event and sat near her group.
“I felt that they were there intentionally, that they were there to intimidate, and their presence definitely had an impact on my guests and the event that I was holding at the time,” Ms. Levy Armstrong told MPR News in 2023.
The absence of clear federal or local regulations on police use of social media surveillance has left room for unchecked and potentially discriminatory practices, making cases like Mr. Dilworth’s and Ms. Armstrong’s all the more concerning.
“What we’re seeing now is a continuation of long-standing historical trends of law enforcement infiltrating social and political organizing spaces for demographics that are marginalized or that they want to control. What changes with social media and with digital surveillance is the logistical ease with which they can do that,” said Mx. Nandagopalan, whose strategic litigation team is continuing to challenge unregulated digital surveillance by police and advocate for more transparency.
“Now, they don’t have to find an actual person who’s willing to go sit in on a meeting and then act as an informant for them. An officer can be sitting in the precinct setting up a social media profile and then just from their desk, DMing people, friending people, getting into private group chats.”
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